A Country in focus - SUDAN

Welcome back to “A Country in Focus“, our series of reports in which we attempt to give an overview of some of the countries of origin of the survivors we rescue from one of the deadliest migration routes in the world: the Central Mediterranean. 

While in the previous episode we focused on Syria, this time we’ll be exploring the situation in Sudan. We will do so through the voice of experts, the open data and reports from international organisations on the ground and through our own data. 

Most importantly, we’ll hear the stories of some of the Sudanese people we have rescued over the last few years. Their voices, their hopes and desires, their suffering and joys are by far the most important “dataset” in this report: people are not numbers, nor are they defined by their struggles. Yes, Yusuf, Adam, Amani, and other people we met are musicians, engineers, artists, sons and brothers. Their story is much bigger than their journey of fleeing. And they gave us the honour of sharing a glimpse of themselves, and today with the readers of this report.

This quote sums up many migration stories: the bottom-line, particularly when it comes to war-torn zones, is that nobody leaves their home on a whim, nobody crosses the sea unless they absolutely have to. 

The case of Sudan, as seen from the waters of the Central Mediterranean route and through a humanitarian and maritime perspective, shows how war and instability displace people, eventually leading some of them to have no other choice other than to cross the sea. Data from the Italian government, as well as  the limited data that the Ocean Viking has been able to gather from the people in distress at sea, show a spike in Sudanese people on the move in 2024, in line with the development of the civil war that is tragically tearing the African country apart. At the same time,  Sudan is a prime example that people tend to be displaced internally and into adjacent countries, while only a small minority – often through networks enhanced, and paradoxically emboldened, by European policies – become  trapped in countries such as Libya and therefore, sooner or later, will have no other choice than to take the perilous journey across the waves. 

The Sudanese civil conflict is described as the biggest humanitarian crisis in the world. Yet, despite the level of human suffering, it remains largely ignored in Western media, often overshadowed by other conflicts.

«The scale of this war is under-reported and difficult to estimate» – assures Sara De Simone, researcher at the Department of Sociology and Social Research at the University of Trento and professor of History and Institutions of Africa.

But what happened in Sudan? The fighting began on April 15, 2023, between Sudan’s regular army (SAF) and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF), originally created under former dictator Oma al-Bashir. Overtime, the RSF has become deeply embedded in Sudan’s security forces, rivaling the army.

Tensions between General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan (SAF) and RSF leader Mohammed “Hemeti” Hamdan Dagalo, who jointly led Sudan after al-Bashir’s ouster in 2019, exploded into full-scale war. A democratic transition that began in 2019 ended in 2021 when generals overthrew the civilian government.

«A democratic process began in 2019 – Professor De Simone explains -, in the sense that a Sovereign Council was formed to lead the country toward a transition to a secular democratic state and toward elections. But this experience ended when, two years later in 2021, these two generals overthrew the prime minister who had been appointed to guide the country through this transition —Abdallah Hamdok, an economist of international repute — who is now one of the main civilian leaders trying to remain equidistant and to press for an end to the war and a return to that democratic, civilian transition. So there are still forces trying to operate within that framework; they haven’t disappeared. They are, to the best of their abilities, trying to mobilise and stay active while hoping to be able to resume the democratic processes when the war will be over».

The conflict quickly spread across Khartoum, with atrocities reported in Darfur. Behind the violence is also a struggle for economic power: the RSF profits from gold in Darfur, while the SAF controls the military-industrial complex built under al-Bashir. The human cost of this war is staggering. Hunger and starvation are still ravaging the population. And in the first days of war, already more than 2.2 million people had been displaced within Sudan or fled to neighbouring countries. Nearly 25 million people — about half the population — required life-saving assistance, including water, food, and medicine, and over 13 millions of them are children.

Sudan’s battlefield stretches far beyond Khartoum. After the showdown between the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), the war has become “polluted” by foreign interests stitched to the Red Sea, gold, ports, and regional power rivalries — with drones and money flowing in alongside competing diplomatic tracks. «Foreign powers have influence, obviously – explains professor De Simone – they are important, especially concerning the supply of weapons and the recognition, let’s say the legitimacy, that both sides can derive from maintaining international relations». «I always like to stress, however, – De Simone continues – that the reasons for this war are entirely internal—that is, there isn’t really any foreign power with an intrinsic interest in keeping Sudan in this situation». Alignments exists, however, especially when it comes to economic interests in the country, and the actions or inactions of foreign powers have had an effect on the warring factions.According to professor De Simone «we certainly have Egypt and perhaps, to some extent, Saudi Arabia closer to the Sudanese Armed Forces, and then we have the United Arab Emirates, which support and sell weapons to Hemedti’s Rapid Support Forces. To these we can add other actors—for example Iran, with which Abdel Fattah al-Burhan re-established diplomatic relations after many years during which Sudan had cut ties with Iran, in order to have another channel for procuring weapons». What is left of Sudanese civil society believes it is not appropriate to negotiate with either side, because both are considered illegitimate—parts of putschist government that seized power, interrupting a democratic process that had begun in 2018 and culminated in December 2018 with what is known as the December Revolution «In terms of the foreign power’s stance towards the situation in the country – the expert explains – when the war in Sudan broke out, initially the United States launched a negotiation process, a negotiating table together with other actors—the so-called Quad, that is, a group of the United States, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates—which in fact produced the only declaration of principles on which future peace negotiations were supposed to be based: a declaration in which the parties commit to work toward resolving the conflict and also commit not to support the warring parties—even though the somewhat paradoxical thing is that this was also signed by the United Arab Emirates, which are known to keep supporting the Rapid Support Forces, even if the Emirati government continues to deny it». 

A cascade of humanitarian crises is, as a consequence of war, tearing Sudan apart: United Nations investigators warn of atrocities that may amount to crimes against humanity; cholera is ripping through displacement hubs in Darfur; aid groups speak of famine risks and the “world’s worst” humanitarian emergency; and extreme weather is magnifying every weakness of a country at war.  UN fact-finder’s told the Human Rights Council this month that rival forces are deliberately targeting civilians in a “war of atrocities,” documenting patterns of persecution, extermination and other grave violations. Their report urged states to reinforce civilian protection and accountability mechanisms.  In parallel, UN experts and rights monitors have repeatedly pressed for tougher measures — from expanding the Darfur arms embargo nationwide to deploying an impartial force to shield civilians — after detailing rapes, indiscriminate bombardments and mass displacement since fighting erupted in April 2023.   On October 26, 2025, the RSF seized the last remaining military stronghold in western Darfur.  In the aftermath of the RSF’s advance, accounts of mass killings, abductions, sexual violence, and ethnically motivated attacks against civilians began to pour in.  On November 9, 2025, the Sudan Doctors Network—a local medical organization—reported that RSF fighters had cleared hundreds of bodies from the streets and neighborhoods of El-Fasher. According to the group, many of the victims were buried in mass graves or burned, in what they described as a “desperate attempt to conceal evidence of their crimes against civilians.” While bombs fall, disease spreads. Sudan is battling its worst cholera outbreak in years, fuelled by shattered water and health systems. In Darfur alone, medical teams treated more than 2,300 patients and recorded 40 deaths in a single week, with nearly 100,000 suspected cases nationwide since the epidemic was declared. Field clinics report patients drinking from contaminated sources as rains flood latrines and overwhelm rudimentary sanitation. The health emergency sits atop a hunger emergency. Humanitarian agencies say the scale is unprecedented: millions are displaced, and roughly half the country now needs assistance — a crisis they call the most severe in the world, made worse by a dramatic funding gap that has left UN appeals far short of what’s required. Figures confirmed by professor De Simone who highlights the fact that most of the displacement is internal or in neighbouring countries: «About 10 million people are internally displaced and remain inside the country in camps, plus over four million refugees in neighbouring countries, especially Egypt, Chad, and South Sudan—the countries directly bordering Sudan». Taken together, these strands form a single picture: Sudan’s emergency is systemic. Civilians are hunted and uprooted; the sick, face collapsing clinics and unsafe water; families trapped by siege or distance slide into acute malnutrition; and rains or drought turn every setback into a landslide. UN human-rights officials in Geneva have repeatedly urged the warring parties to protect civilians — and the international community to match words with access, protection and resources — as the conflict spreads across North Darfur and Kordofan. Of Course, some of the displacement inevitably leads people to unsafe countries such as Libya where, as we all know, people fleeing various crises find themselves trapped in endless cycles of violence, extortion, slavery and arbitrary detention. All factors that will sooner or later force them into the dangerous journey through the sea, in a desperate search for safety.  

Sudan’s war has driven one of the world’s largest displacement crises, with nearly 13 million people uprooted and almost 4 million pushed across borders into Egypt, South Sudan, Chad, Libya, Ethiopia, the Central African Republic and Uganda—while arrivals from Sudan to Europe remain relatively low but rose by 38% in early 2025. The violence is most acute in Darfur: MSF documents systematic atrocities around El Fasher and the Zamzam camp, where an RSF-led offensive forced about 400,000 people to flee in under three weeks, amid siege tactics that cut civilians off from food, water and care. As safe routes collapse, Sudanese families are funnelled toward dangerous corridors through Libya and the central Mediterranean—where pressure tactics include mass deportations, such as Libya’s recent expulsion of 700 Sudanese migrants during an anti-trafficking crackdown—raising the risks of desert crossings and sea departures alike. 

The foreign interests are nothing new in Sudan. According to various sources, the European Union has financed and – marginally – trained former dictator’s Al Bashir troops, including the RSF, in order to stop migration routes from the Horn of Africa countries such as Eritrea. This happened around the early 2010s and went on for some years.  Of Course, EU’s “remedy” to migration proved worse than the “problem” it tried to fix:  Sudan’s strategy for stopping “migrant flows” on behalf of Europe involved a ruthless crackdown by the RSF on migrants within Sudan. «Dogged by persistent armed uprisings led by opponents protesting chronic inequalities in the distribution of national wealth and political power in its periphery regions, the Sudanese government has always relied on a plethora of militia groups to counter insurgencies», according to a 2017 report from renowned international expert on conflicts Suliman Baldo which goes in depth into this very underreported partnership. Did this policy contribute to embolden the RSF? Did it play a role in their subsequent rise to power? What we know from reports and expert opinions is that the methods of control that they used on people on the move are the same they always operated under: extreme violence. Another factor contributing to the suffering of people and, possibly, to their decision to flee their homes and eventually head across the Sea. 

The voices of people from Sudan who managed to escape war are clear: none of them wanted to leave their homeland, but the consequences of war forced them to do so. 

Here are some of the testimonies they have gifted us on board the Ocean Viking, on their way to Europe and safety: 

My family refused to let me leave, but they allowed me to go out and earn money.  

I haven’t seen my family in a year and a half. It was hard but I kept going for my family.  

When I left, first I went to an area called Port Sudan. It is far from the area where I live in Khartoum. I stayed there for seven months. After that I went to Egypt and stayed there for 18 months. After that, I went to Libya for eight months, and now I am here.   

In Libya the situation is not stable, I also went through some problems: I was imprisoned for 13 days without reason.   

When I was in Sudan, I liked playing the piano.   

I love the piano because I see it as expressing what is inside me. I release all the negative energy into the piano, and I did the same when I was in Sudan. This is the reason I hold onto the piano. When I play, I think about my family, where they live, and the danger that is close to them, and I cannot do anything for them.   

For example, I was thinking about my family when playing this song. I was thinking about where they live, and the danger that is close to them, and how I cannot do anything for them.    

When armed groups came and wanted to collect me, to use me and my skills, I refused to work with them. They use you for any skill. It can be speaking English, writing Arabic… and when you cannot do anything, they will give you a gun. I refused to carry a gun. My friend did the same. Then we found him dead. They killed my friend, because he refused to work with them. My mom was afraid for my life after that, and she finally allowed me to leave. I left right away. It was very difficult for me, because I am the man of the house.  

I love Sudan so much. But there was no other choice for me. We had hoped that our country would be free, that it would grow and develop. We thought it would be a good country. We saw light. But now, there is no hope anymore. The militias control the country. They will never give us a chance again. So we do not have any hope anymore.   

When I went to Libya, I found myself in hell. You can’t move freely there. It is like a prison. When you enter, you can’t get out. There is no way to get out. Libya is a dangerous place. We all know that. But most people don’t have another choice.   

The first thing that I want to do if I get a document that allows me to travel, is to go back to Sudan. Because I should meet my family. I will try to bring them to Europe with me. That is a beautiful thought for me, but I think my mother will not want to come. The first time I told her that I want to leave Sudan, she refused to let me go. 

*Yes’s interview was given before the fall of El Fasher to the RSF 

I want to let the world know what is going on in El Fasher (capital of North Darfur): people are suffering so much because there is no way (out). There is no way for food to get in there. People and children die of hunger. And when an organisation tries to give them some food, the Rapid Support Forces never allows it.  

In the (refugee) camps, the situation is bad: it’s so dirty that there are many diseases.   

Also schools are closing. And even if you want to learn just by yourself, there is no internet. So people stay without education.   

Killing is a normal thing there. When somebody dies, it’s a normal thing now. Because there is no security people, just citizens by themselves. If you want to protect yourself, you should buy a gun.   

I decided to find a way to solve of the problems we face me and my family. So I got the ambition that one day I will do my best to go to Europe to have basic education that will serve my future.   

Because if I would have never ran away, they (the RSF) would have arrested me and forced me to be one of them. To carry guns and to kill people without any reasons. So I ran away.

Sudan was very beautiful before the war. But I decided to leave Sudan because life was so bad. There was no future, nowhere to study, nothing. If it wasn’t for the war, I would never have left Sudan.   

It is very dangerous now, in Sudan. Everything closed: the schools, the hospital, everything. You cannot travel in Sudan anymore. It is not possible to go from one place to another.   

I finished Highschool and I wanted to study, but the war started. Now, there is no future anymore. I am the oldest of my family. And I want to support them.  

I left Sudan and travelled to Libya. We took a car and crossed the border at the triangle of Sudan, Libya and Egypt. It took us a long time. We had to pass many checkpoints. Some are run by militias, some are run by the authorities of the country. If you have money or a telephone, they will take it from you.   

When I arrived in Libya, I stopped in Kufra first (Al-Kufra is the site of one of the worst detention camps in Libya). Then I went to Benghazi, where I worked in a factory. I stayed there for one year, to earn money to send to my family, and save some for travelling. 

I come from Darfur, in Sudan. At the moment, the Rapid Support Forces, a paramilitary group, are attacking people in my region.   

They force people from our region to join their militia, then they force you to kill people. If you don’t join them, they kill you. They rape women and destroy villages. If I fled to other parts of the country, people would think I am part of this group because of my accent, so I am in danger there too. 

I decided to leave the country for my safety. On my way to Libya, I was left 20km from the border, I crossed at night, and once on the other side, I hid in a farm until the morning. I saw the bowl where there was water for the chicken, and I had to drink it to continue through the desert’s burning sun. Eventually, I made my way to the coast, and with the financial help of my family, I was able to attempt the crossing of the Mediterranean.  

SOS MEDITERRANEE is a non-governmental organisation focused on relieving the suffering of shipwrecked people in the Central Mediterranean, therefore our teams on board collect very sparse data on people’s nationality. 

However, even those few numbers that we have at our disposal already provide us with a story: 2025 is on its way to be a peak year for Sudanese presence on the Central Mediterranean route. 

Our teams on board had already noted it anecdotical, but the data confirms it: up until August 2025, we have registered an unprecedented spike of survivors from that country. 

Here is a visualization of that spike:

The Italian governments data loosely aligns to the smaller sample collected on the Ocean Viking. 

Sudanese people, much like other survivors we rescue at sea, tell us stories of resilience and survival but also of surviving brutality. 

Leaving aside the incredibly painful reasons that prompted many of them to flee their home country, once they arrive in Libya they quickly become “stuck”. It becomes impossible to go back to their home country and unbearable to stay in the cycle of violence, arbitrary detention and forced labour they face in Libya. A story common to most people rescued by SOS MEDITERRANEE at sea over the past 9 years.

The only choice becomes the sea. Possible death at sea becomes preferrable to certain death or unbearable suffering on shore. Desperation forces people onto the unseaworthy boats the Ocean Viking rescues. 

The deadly pushback mechanism created by European states, paradoxically adds to this desperation, further adding suffering to the stories of people searching for safety. This mechanism does so with various means. 

It adds to death and suffering of people attempting the crossing trough support to the violent and illegal activities of the Libyan coastguard who, often with brutal means, forces people back to an unsafe country. 

In doing all of this and still persisting on the same policies, «the European Union and its member States are directly and indirectly causing an immense deal of suffering and death upon shipwrecked people in the Central Mediterranean, including people fleeing the horrors of the war in Sudan» – says Soazic Dupuy, Director of Operations at SOS MEDITERRANEE. 

«We hope – Dupuy continues – that the European institutions realise that the policies of deterrence of migration journeys trough pushbacks and lack of rescue not only are illegal and immoral, but are also inefficient: people are still crossing the Sea in search of safety and will continue to do so in the future. Creating a void of rescue, propping up entities and militias in order to restrict people from crossing serves no purpose other than inflicting suffering and death upon people who – in many cases like Sudan – are already fleeing unbearable conditions in their own countries».